By Ammar Ali Qureshi
India, after independence, has produced many renowned public figures who belong to Punjab. Barring celebrities, Inder Kumar Gujral and Manmohan Singh, both ex-Prime Ministers, along with Khushwant Singh and KuldipNayar, both veteran journalists, are ranked among the most prominent Punjabis in India. All four were born in cities now located in Pakistan — Khushwant in Sargodha, Kuldip in Sialkot, Manmohan in Chakwal and Gujral in Jhelum — and went through the harrowing experience of migration during partition.
Khushwant’s father, an affluent construction contractor, was a neighbour of Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah in Delhi. At the time of partition, Khushwant, a lawyer based in Lahore, received a message from Jinnah to keep living in the city but when the situation became quite tense a few days before partition, Khushwant decided to move to India. Gujral’s father was a member of legislative assembly from Punjab at the time of partition and was among nineteen Hindu members who automatically became members of Pakistan’s first Constituent Assembly but he soon migrated to India.
Despite their personal experiences during partition, none of them nursed anti-Pakistan feeling as they were all fond of Pakistani Punjab, where they were born, bred, educated and were deeply immersed in its cultural milieu. Gujral restarted the process of diplomatic dialogue to improve strained relations with Pakistan during his brief tenure as Prime Minister; Manmohan exercised restraint in the wake of Mumbai terrorism incident; Khushwant was decried, by his detractors, as the last Pakistani on Indian soil.Ammar-1
KuldipNayar — journalist, author, diplomat, parliamentarian and peace activist — started the tradition of observing a candle-lit vigil which is still held by peace activists on both sides of the Wagah-Attari border at midnight on 14/15 August, the hour that marks the end of Pakistan’s independence day (and Kuldip’s birthday) and the beginning of India’s.
Although he served briefly as India’s High Commissioner in London during VP Singh’s government and later, in 1997, as a single term member of the upper house of the Indian parliament, Kuldip is primarily known as an intrepid journalist whose syndicated column titled Between the Lines appeared in a number of newspapers across South Asia. He also authored fifteen books including his lengthy autobiography Beyond the Lines, which was written over twenty-two years.
His last book On Leaders and Icons — From Jinnah to Modi was completed just two weeks before his death last year at the age of ninety-five. A slim volume, it is a narrative of his memories and impressions, based on his interactions with nineteen top-notch leaders and icons of South Asia — ranging from leaders such as Jinnah, Gandhi, Nehru, Indira Gandhi, Shastri, Manmohan Singh, Modi, Ghaffar Khan, Sheikh Abdullah, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, Mujib-ur-Rehman, Koirala, Jayaprakash Narayan, and Vajpayee to icons such as Faiz, Khushwant, JRD Tata, MeenaKumari and Noor Jehan.
Kuldip was a life-long supporter of peaceful relations between India and Pakistan. He had been part of Track-II diplomacy as well as an active member of the civil society which promoted peace between the two neighbours. After his death in 2018, his ashes were scattered in River Ravi in Lahore, where he had studied at Forman Christian College and Law College before partition. He was of the view that Indo-Pakistan relations would have assumed a different trajectory, despite Kashmir issue, if both Gandhi and Jinnah had lived longer.
After partition, he went to Birla House in Delhi where Gandhi was staying and participated in his prayer meetings, including one in which an unsuccessful assassination attempt was made at Gandhi. In 1945, Jinnah came to address students at Law College in Lahore and Kuldip, as a student, asked him two question: first what will be the shape of future relations between India and Pakistan given the animosity between Hindus and Muslims and secondly how would Pakistan respond in case India was attacked by a third country.
Jinnah responded by citing the example of good relations between France and Germany as a model for India and Pakistan and further remarked about the second question that Pakistan will fight along with Indians if India was attacked by a third country. This response, it should be noted, was made before the violence witnessed during partition or before Kashmir issue poisoned relations between the two newly independent countries. Interestingly, even after 1947, Jinnah had advised Nehru to keep his beloved Malabar Hill House in Bombay intact as he planned to spend some time there during his retirement years.
Kuldip served in the government’s information department in the 1950s and 1960s and was briefly press officer to Nehru, whom he found promoting a dynasty as he wanted Indira to be his successor. The author was very close to Lal Bahadur Shastri, first as his press officer when he was Nehru’s home minister and continued to serve in that position when he became India’s Prime Minister. He went to Tashkent with Shastri and was the first person to enter his room after he was pronounced dead.
In his journalistic career, he served with India’s news agency UNI and newspapers such as The Statesman and Indian Express. Kuldip’s finest hour was when he fearlessly defied Indira Gandhi’s Emergency from 1975-77. L.K.Advani had famously remarked that Indira had asked the press to bend but it began to crawl. When most caved into the Emergency, it was Kuldip who persuaded around hundred journalists to sign a protest letter and send it to Indira, who jailed him for three months. He was released only when the government realised that the judge hearing the case would most likely decide in his favour.
He was a political reporter par excellence and made his name as India’s greatest ‘scoop-man’. His news report thwarted Morarji Desai’s bid for leadership following Nehru’s death in 1964 and inadvertently tilted the balance in favour of Shastri. In 1977, he broke the news that Indira intended to call early elections after lifting the emergency soon. Most believed that Indira would extend the emergency instead of holding early elections. Head of the government’s information service even called Kuldip and threatened him with arrest if he did not withdraw his story. He refused to budge and Indira did call early elections.
Indira lost 1977 elections as she had been misguided by Intelligence Bureau about her electoral strength as her son Sanjay Gandhi later told Kuldip and remarked that he wanted to extend emergency for even decades. The author admired opposition leader Jayaprakash Narayan for his heroic defiance of Indira before and during the Emergency years. He also admired Ghaffar Khan whom he met in Kabul but found him bitter towards Nehru for failing to support Pashtunistan cause. He was put off when Ghaffar Khan used the term Baniyas for Hindus.
Bhutto came across as brilliant but ambitious and arrogant who did not accept the second position in a united Pakistan under Mujib. He also admitted his role in the 1965 Indo-Pakistan war as he believed that Pakistan’s military superiority then could have settled Kashmir issue in Islamabad’s favour but was quick to point out that he had learnt his lesson.
On Kashmir, Bhutto, according to Kuldip, had a Trieste-like solution in mind, referring to an agreement signed between Italy and Yugoslavia in 1954 in which the disputed land of Trieste, after the World War II, was divided between the two countries along the existing demarcation lines with minor changes. Apparently, Bhutto discussed this idea with Indira during Simla talks but candidly told her that he could not sell this idea to his countrymen soon after the loss of East Pakistan.
Although a connoisseur of Urdu poetry and a fan of Faiz, Kuldip failed to recognise him when they met for the first time in Moscow in a restaurant near Kremlin. Noted Indian journalist Inder Malhotra was the first to place him, stood up and excitedly announced to his Indian colleagues: Gentlemen, let us honour the greatest living poet in the sub-continent. Kuldip was also a fan of Pakistan’s melody queen Noor Jehan, whom he met during one of the trips to Lahore and she graciously arranged an exclusive viewing of a movie, featuring Heer, for him in a cinema.
He accompanied Vajpayee during the bus trip to Lahore for his meeting with Nawaz Sharif in 1999. At one of the banquets, he had an insightful conversation with SahabzadaYaqub Khan, Pakistan’s famous ex-foreign minister, who was sharing the table with the author along with other guests. Sahabzada turned towards his Pakistani colleagues, from NWFP, Sind and Baluchistan, seated on the table and asked them about the Kashmir issue. All of them more or less replied that Kashmir was quite distant from their province. Sahabzada then turned towards Kuldip and remarked: “This (Kashmir) is your problem (meaning of the Punjabis, on both sides), you should settle it. Why get others from both countries involved?”.
Modi is the only figure, included in the book, whom the author did not meet in person. A staunch believer in secularism and pluralism, he was opposed to Modi and his intolerant policies. The rising tide of bigotry and communalism, after the Babri Mosque incident, and the increasing saffronization of India under BJP points towards a gloomy future for India under Modi. Worried about the creeping Hindu extremism, Kuldip wrote that a diluted form of Hindutva has spread throughout the country.
The book is an interesting read but it is riddled with mistakes, as written at a very advanced age of ninety-five, and deserved better editing. Jinnah called Maulana Azad, not Ghaffar Khan, Muslim show-boy of Congress; Delhi’s Khan Market is not named after Ghaffar Khan but his elder brother Dr Khan Sahib for his role as Chief Minister NWFP in protecting Hindus during violence in 1947; Khushwant sought refuge at the residence of a Swedish diplomat, his friend, not in Swiss embassy during the 1984 anti-Sikh riots in Delhi. Surprisingly, KuldipNayar repeatedly mentions the first name of Nayyara Noor, which is so similar to his own name, wrongly in the chapter on Faiz, who told him that he enjoyed Nayyara’s rendering of his own poetry the most.
On Leaders and Icons-From Jinnah to Modi
Publisher: Speaking Tiger, 2019
Pages: 183 (Hardback)
India’s perilous obsession with Pakistan
By Nissim Mannathukkaren
Come Indian elections, the bogey of Pakistan has overwhelmed the nationalist discourse in the shrillest manner, with the Prime Minister and other Ministers’ relentless branding of the Congress/Opposition as ‘anti-national’ and as ‘agents of Pakistan’. Further, the Prime Minister even made an unprecedented threat of using nuclear weapons against Pakistan.
As a country born of the two-nation theory based on religion, and then having to suffer dismemberment and the consequent damage to the very same religious identity, it is obvious why Islamic Pakistan must have a hostile Other in the form of a ‘Hindu India’. But what is not obvious is why India, a (much larger) secular nation, must have a hostile antagonist in the form of Pakistan.
It is widely recognised that the fulcrum of the Pakistani state and establishment is an anti-India ideology and an obsession with India. But what has scarcely received notice is that India’s post-Independence nationalism has been equally driven by an obsession with Pakistan. Of course, this obsession acquires a pathological dimension under regimes, like the present one, which thrive on hyper-nationalism and a ‘Hindu India’ identity.
But, this hyper-nationalistic urge to ‘defeat’ Pakistan and to gloat over every victory, both real and claimed, is ultimately self-defeating, and comes with huge human and material costs. Much of these costs are hidden by jingoism masquerading as nationalism.
Words often used regarding the Pakistani state’s actions, even by critical Pakistani voices, are ‘delusional’ and ‘suicidal’, and rightly so. For, no level-headed state would seek to attain military parity with a country that is six and half times larger in population, and eight and a half times bigger economically. HussainHaqqani, the Pakistani diplomat and scholar, compared it to “Belgium rivalling France or Germany”. Pakistan’s vastly disproportionate spending on the military has been self-destructive for a poor nation.
In 1990, Pakistan was ahead of India by three places in the Human Development Index. In 2017, Pakistan was behind India by 20 ranks, a sad reflection of its ruinous policies.
More critically, the Pakistani state’s sponsorship of Islamist terror groups has been nothing less than catastrophic. What the world, including India, does not recognise is that Pakistan, ironically, is also one of the worst victims of Islamist terrorism. In the period 2000-2019, 22,577 civilians and 7,080 security personnel were killed in terrorism-related violence in Pakistan (the number of civilian/security personnel deaths from Islamist terrorism in India, excluding Jammu and Kashmir, was 926 in during 2000-2018).
The fact that Pakistan has suffered much more than India in their mutual obsession cannot hide the equally serious losses that India has undergone and is willing to undergo in its supposedly muscular pursuit of a ‘no dialogue’ policy with Pakistan.
Wars and military competition produce madness. Nothing exemplifies this more than India-Pakistan attempts to secure the Siachen Glacier, the inhospitable and highest battle terrain in the world. India alone lost nearly 800 soldiers (until 2016) to weather-related causes only. Besides, it spends around ?6 crore every day in Siachen. Operation Parakram (2001-02), in which India mobilised for war with Pakistan, saw 798 soldier deaths and a cost of $3 billion. This is without fighting a war. Add to this the human and economic costs of fighting four wars.
Granted, the proponents of India’s muscular nationalism who want only a military solution in Kashmir might close their eyes to the killings of some 50,000 Kashmiri civilians and the unending suffering of Kashmiris, but can they, as nationalists, ignore, the deaths of around 6,500 security personnel in Kashmir and the gargantuan and un-estimated costs of stationing nearly 5 lakh military/para-military/police personnel in Kashmir for 30 years?
Ten years ago, Stephen P. Cohen, the prominent American scholar of South Asia, called the India-Pakistan relationship “toxic” and notably termed both, and not just Pakistan, as suffering from a “minority” or “small power” complex in which one is feeling constantly “threatened” and “encircled”. Tellingly, he argues that it is the disastrous conflict with Pakistan that has been one of the main reasons why India has been confined to South Asia, and prevented from becoming a global power.
Here, one should ask the most pertinent question: why does India compete with Pakistan in every sphere, from military to sport, rather than with, say, China, which is comparable in size and population, and which in 1980 had the same GDP as India? (China’s GDP is almost five times that of India’s now.)
Of course, emulating China need not mean emulating its internal authoritarianism or its almost colonial, external economic expansionism. On the contrary, it is to learn from China’s early success in universalising health care and education, providing basic income, and advancing human development, which as AmartyaSen has argued, is the basis of its economic miracle. It is precisely here that India has failed, and is continuing to fail.
Therefore, despite India being one of the fastest growing major economies in the world since 1991 (yet, only ranked 147 in per capita income in 2017), its social indicators in many areas, including health, education, child and women welfare, are abysmal in comparison with China’s. Worryingly, in the focus on one-upmanship with Pakistan, India’s pace in social indicator improvement has been less than some poorer economies too. The phenomenal strides made by Bangladesh in the social sector are an example.
Here, a look at the military expenditures is revealing: while India spent $63.9 billion (2017) and Pakistan $9.6 billion (2018-19), Bangladesh spent only $3.45 billion (2018-19). Only a muscular and masculine nationalism can take pride in things such as becoming the fifth largest military spender in the world, or being the world’s second largest arms importer. The bitter truth hidden in these details is that India, ranked 130 in the HDI (and Pakistan, 150), simply cannot afford to spend scarce resources on nuclear arsenals, maintaining huge armies or developing space weapons. Besides, in an increasingly globalised world, military resolution between a nuclear India and Pakistan is almost impossible.
The more India, the largest democracy in the world, defines itself as the Other of Pakistan, a nation practically governed by the military, the more it will become its mirror. Any nation that thrives by constructing a mythical external enemy must also construct mythical internal enemies. That is why the number of people labelled ‘anti-national’ is increasing in India. India has to rise to take its place in the world. That place is not being a global superpower, but being the greatest and most diverse democracy in the world. That can only happen if it can get rid of its obsession with Pakistan.
Symbol of New (Hindu) India?
By Sanjeev Ahluwalia
BJP president Amit Shah is technically correct to say that SadhviPragya Thakur, one of the accused in the September 2008 Malegaon (Maharashtra) bomb blast case, who is on bail, has a right, under our liberal electoral laws, to contest the elections. It hardly matters that she voluntarily claimed being part of the Hindutava forces which had pulverised the Babri Masjid on December 6, 1992 and that an FIR has been registered against her by the Madhya Pradesh police on the orders of the Election Commission.
A galaxy of BJP leaders headed by Lal Krishna Advani, who went on to become deputy prime minister, and Hindutava firebrands Version 1 from the 1990s era — SadhviRithambra, VinayKatiar, Hari Vishnu Dalmia, et al — were criminally indicted for conspiracy but let off by a CBI special court in 2001. The Allahabad high court upheld the order of acquittal in 2010. But curiously, the Supreme Court directed that the case be revived in April 2017, under the NarendraModi government.
To be honest, there was little reason, back then, not to indict both Kalyan Singh, the BJP chief minister of Uttar Pradesh, and P.V. Narasimha Rao, the Congress Prime Minister. Culpability for dereliction of duty runs deep and inefficiencies in the judicial system help gaming transgressors.
Our laws consequently acknowledge this judicial gap and do not bar a candidate from political office, even though serious criminal charges have been drawn up in court against the person and a trial is under way.
But that does not fully explain why the BJP chose her. After all, Bhopal is not just any other seat. It is the capital of Madhya Pradesh and she has been pitted against Digvijay Singh, a former chief minister of the state and a senior Congress leader.
More to the point, isn’t she out of sync with the BJP government’s soothing signature tune of “Sabkasaath, sabkavikas” (with everyone, for everyone)? Does this signal a major change in stance and hitherto is revisionist social policy likely to overshadow the imperative for economic growth?
Pragya Thakur has no qualms about evoking her mystical powers to “damn” (curse) her opponents, demonstrating a conflation between her private well-being and that of all Hindus — a distinction which is necessary in those holding public office. But ascetics and mystics live by the code of “bhakti” — a submersive ecosystem, in which the followers are one with the guru. This leaves no space for the rule of earthly, common law.
Bhakts believe the spiritual power of an ascetic’s curse causes irreparable harm. Such pervasive, blind faith begs the question — should India have lawmakers who exult in evoking their spiritual powrs to shield themselves from the law?
Given these rough edges, what compelled the Modi-Shah team to field SadhviPragya from Bhopal? Two motivations suggest themselves.
First, electoral strength breeds hubris. Nominating Pragya Thakur sends the message that a new, assertively Hindu India is on its way and those with different views should make way.
Hinduism is resilient because it absorbs and subsumes other beliefs. Think Tamil Nadu 70 years ago. Anti-Brahmanism, rationalism and primacy for Tamil culture and language — versus Hindi — drove the atheist Dravida movement to its peak. Today, with political power firmly with the Tamil middle castes, ritualistic Hinduism is resurgent in Tamil Nadu.
Hinduism facilitates Sanskritisation — a religious version of the Stockholm syndrome, where the marginalised empathise with and seek to emulate their oppressors, thereby perpetuating the status quo.
Even the Congress Party has succumbed. The symbols of ritualistic Hinduism — special prayers at temples and endorsements from Hindu religious leaders — are the norm. This is canny, since Muslims and Christians have nowhere else to go, at the national level — though the BahujanSamaj Party and the Samajwadi Party in Uttar Pradesh; Trinamul Congress in West Bengal; TelanganaRashtraSamiti in Hyderabad, the Communists in Kerala and the AamAdmi Party in Delhi offer classically secular, regional alternatives.
An alternative driver behind Pragya Thakur’s nomination could be sheer desperation, in the absence of a NarendraModi wave, unlike 2014. After all, the party lost Madhya Pradesh along with two other cow belt states to the Congress only a few months ago during the state Assembly elections. Fielding the Sadhvi is sure to rake up Hindu resentment against the Congress for subscribing to a counter narrative of “Hindu terror” around the 2008 bomb blasts. The credibility of our police agencies has sunk so low that in the public’s perception, the “caged parrot” syndrome of ruling party capture, overrides the merits of any police action.
But multiple poll surveys, thus far, do not validate significant electoral loss for the BJP. The most recent endorsement comes from SurjitBhalla’s new book Citizen Raj: Indian Elections 1952-2019. He forecasts a simple majority of 274 for the BJP on its own. Lord Meghnad Desai, a British peer of Indian origin, also endorses a clear win.
NarendraModi is no one’s tool. Were he to succeed, his game would be to tame the tiger that he is riding. This is risky. But a more grounded strategy could well emerge, which seeks to rid Hinduism of its caste-based fractures; infuse the religion with modern concepts of universal human rights and worry more about generating income and wealth for all, rather than protecting India from without whilst dividing it from within.
The Modi-Shah duo’s dodgy electoral tactics are not new. Encouraging social divisiveness; kitchen cabinets to bypass government structures; centralisation of authority; a quasi-presidential form of campaigning and the systematic decimation of potential opponents — all these have all been used by other parties in the past. Banyan tree leadership is hardly unique to today’s BJP.
What is new is the blinding speed with which the Modi-Shah team has executed their strategy of building a “New India” — a narrative which promises to change social endowments and norms in ways that have never visualised previously. Status quoists will resist this seismic makeover. Beneficiaries will support it. Make up your mind, dear reader, where you belong.
‘The TINA trick’
By Anil Dharker
This state of despondency arises from many factors, the major one being the disappointment with the performance of NarendraModi’s government (bhakts always excepted).
Two abbreviations crop up in any conversation about the elections. Both give a dispiriting picture of the mood of the nation. The acronyms are NOTA and TINA, which as we all know, expand to None Of The Above and There Is No Alternative.
This state of despondency arises from many factors, the major one being the disappointment with the performance of NarendraModi’s government (bhakts always excepted). In 2014, there was a genuine Modi Wave caused by disillusionment with UPA’s drift and its alleged corruption; in direct contrast were Modi’s enticing promises of “development” and rooting out corruption and black money. The disasters of demonetisation and GST, rising unemployment and the unaddressed tragedy of agrarian distress has taken the sheen off Modi’s many promises.
NarendraModi knows; everyone in the BJP knows; thinking party supporters (bhakts always excepted) also know, that repeating the same promises again and again doesn’t fulfil them — action does — but implementation has either been negligible, or poor. This is why not one single speech of Modi talks of his government’s performance. It’s a strange thing to hear a prime minister going to the people for re-election without a word about five years of his government. Instead, he talks about his “muscular response” to Pakistan and he talks about Hindutva in a demagogic way reminiscent of Bal Thackeray, using words which a chief election commissioner like T N Seshan would have acted more strongly against.
Sadly, the EC is not the only institution the Modi government has eviscerated. If you really wanted to know what the BJP government has achieved in its five-year term, it’s this: Every institution, the Enforcement Directorate, CBI, the police in BJP-ruled states, the Income Tax department… name them, and they do the government’s bidding, even if many of their actions on the eve of elections are clearly political in nature and meant to influence the electorate.
This is where the TINA factor comes in. Even BJP supporters disillusioned with NarendraModi ask: If not Modi, who will be PM? Rahul Gandhi? Mamata Banerjee? Mayawati? They find all these options unacceptable. Unfortunately, people have short memories. Political turmoil brought in prime ministers as diverse as Morarji Desai, V P Singh, I K Gujral, Chandra Shekhar, DeveGowda and Charan Singh. Not all of them were a disaster. In any case, all of them were in the chair for just around a year each (except Desai, who had two years), far too short a time to judge a prime minister’s performance. More than that, it’s important to note the classic definition of a prime minister in a functioning democracy: He is the first among equals in the council of ministers. Would anyone in the present cabinet dare say that of NarendraModi? No wonder the BJP’s slogan for 2019 is “phirekbaar, Modisarkar”. And its manifesto is replete with photographs of Modi, significantly even on the cover. Apart from re-emphasising that Modi’s council of ministers consists of lightweights; the slogan underlines the fact that the BJP government is Modi, Modi and Modi. That’s how the TINA factor gets reinforced as part of the BJP’s planned campaign strategy.
Contrast that with the Congress’s slogan, “abhoga NYAY’, a play on the Hindi word to mean justice as well as highlight the party’s ambitious social welfare programme, with which it hopes to make an impact on the elections. It also removes any hint of a personality cult in the party, although clearly, Rahul Gandhi is the prime force in the election campaign. Perhaps, it’s also a tacit admission that the public perception of Rahul Gandhi as an unsuitable candidate for prime ministership hasn’t changed, although the man himself has grown impressively into a leadership role. But you need an open mind to notice that, and an open mind doesn’t seem to be a common attribute of our electorate, especially its urban component. The more educated you are, the more you are likely to hold on to your prejudices.
An interesting point to note is that even Indira Gandhi, a towering personality if ever there was one, used the slogan “garibihatao”, and not a personality-centric one. But that concealed the fact that she ruled her government and her party with an iron fist. Another interesting point to note is that in his constant attacks on “The Family” and “Dynasty”, Modi hasn’t said a word against Indira Gandhi. For all his visceral hatred of the Nehru-Gandhis, Modi is strangely silent about Indira: There’s obviously an unspoken and sneaking admiration there. When you think about it, it’s really not surprising. Indira Gandhi was the government, and no one else mattered. NarendraModi is the government, and he has made sure no one else matters. For all those enamoured of strong leadership, it might be salutary to remember its perils: Mrs Gandhi imposed the Emergency, she nationalised banks (a disaster in the long run), she abolished privy purses (a constitutional guarantee), she subverted most of our institutions, including even the judiciary, and she used departments like Income Tax to get even with political opponents. Aren’t the parallels uncanny? On the other hand, low-key, self-effacing personalities like LalBahadurShastri and Narasimha Rao made excellent prime ministers; in fact, the former had he not died so tragically early, may have lived to be our best PM ever.
NOTA, of course, is an expression of dissatisfaction with the whole political process, and who can blame people when we see the way our electioneering has been conducted, with its abuse and personal invective? But NOTA is not an option; the option really is this: Better not the devil we know than the devil we don’t, because the latter may turn out to be not a devil at all.
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