Imposing ban on Jamaat-e-Islami in Jammu and Kashmir is seen as yet another offensive by the central government against the people of Kashmir. The ban on Jamaat follows in the thick of threats of invalidation to Articles 35-A and 370, withdrawal of security to several leaders and a massive spree of arrests across the valley. People of Kashmir presently find themselves at the receiving end and a wave of anger is sweeping the valley. Even those who do not support or subscribe to the Jamaat ideology feel equally enraged by the move. It is against this backdrop that a general shutdown called by the business community has paralyzed normal life on Tuesday.
It is this peoples’ mood that made former chief minister Omar Abdullah and Mahbooba Mufti, BJP’s key ally Sajjad Gani Lone and many other pro India groups and leaders to express their reservations over banning the Jamaat. Mahbooba Mufti summed up the mood in the valley saying “currently, there is an atmosphere of revenge against Kashmiris. Youths are being arrested and particularly Jamaat-e-Islami, which is a social and political organisation, is being subjected to political revenge,” she claimed, as scores of PDP activists hit the roads in Srinagar shouting slogans of “Stop state terrorism”. It makes the case as Kashmir versus India. The central government put ban on the Jamat-e-Islami, last week, under anti-terror law on grounds that it was “in close touch” with militant outfits and was expected to “escalate secessionist movement” in the state. This gives the idea of central government’s very poor knowledge and understanding (unless it is a political decisions) of the ground situation in Kashmir. Jamaat is a politico-religious organization involved more in social activities than political one. Before the advent of militancy Jamaat participated in elections. In 1987 it was because of the Jamaat-formed Muslim United Front (MUF) that assembly elections witnessed massive participation of Kashmiri people. But the large scale rigging and manipulation of elections by NC-Congress alliance under the guarding eyes of New Delhi dealt a severe blow to the peoples’ confidence in democracy, and people of Kashmir looked for other ways to get heard.
Jamaat was banned for the same reasons in 1990 as well. Though the ban was for a period of two years but the Jamaat continued to remain dormant. It started its activities after Ghulam Mohammad Bhat took over as the Ameer (President) in 1997. Bhat announced dissociation of the Jamaat from any kind of militant and underground activities. He was the first leader of any significance who sought the issue of Kashmir resolved through peaceful means and dialogue. He expelled several members of the party from the Jamaat who had militant connection. For the past 10 years Jamaat is not associated with any of the two factions of the Hurriyat Conference. Instead Jamaat restricted itself to social and religious work only. Jamaat’s contribution to education is second to government only. It is running a chain of around 300 schools with over one lakh students. Only government approved syllabus and NCRT books are taught in these school. It is also a source of employment to hundreds of people. Its social work is also exceptional—helping poor, orphans and destitute. By banning the organization it would have a huge social impact on Kashmir. In their attempt to prove their loyalty to the king, local administration went miles ahead and started sealing the personal property of Jamaat people. In Srinagar residential houses of some Jamaat functionaries were sealed. They were restored to the owners only after media uproar. Jamaat was banned twice earlier. In 1975 when there was no militancy, Shiekh Abdullah, then chief minister got it banned merely for political ends. The latest ban also seems a political project of the BJP ahead of general elections.
Taking the bull by the horn
Peoples Democratic Party President Mahbooba Mufti’s decision to contest from south Kashmir parliamentary seat could be termed as a bold and calculated. Bold; because she knows it for the fact that she is the most unpopular political being in Kashmir presently. Calculated; because she knows she is taking on a first-time political nominee. Mahbooba Mufti is competing against National Conference nominee and former high court Justice Hasnain Masoodi. This is Justice Masoodi’s first rendezvous with politics. He is not known to a vast majority of people across the board. He has remained out of public gaze during entire career. However, it was in the last days of his career that he caught public and political attention. In October 2015, while presiding over a case about Jammu and Kashmir’s special status, Justice Masoodi gave a landmark ruling on Article 370 of Indian constitution which accords special status to the state. Justice Masoodi, in his judgment, said that Article 370 was a permanent Article and it could not be altered or aborted. The permanent status of 370 is facing a challenge in the Supreme Court by some hard-line Hindu individuals and groups. Justice Masoodi’s retired from service just two months later, and again went off the public minds. Mahbooba Mufti is counting on this weakness of her NC rival. But despite this, it would not be an easy walk for the PDP President.
Mahbooba Mufti is facing a sort of political isolation presently. She is the most disliked person in party bastion, south Kashmir. Since its rise to power in 2002, south Kashmir has remained a stronghold of the PDP. The PDP has won all the parliamentary election held since 2004 from south Kashmir. In Assembly elections too, the PDP won majority of the seats in south Kashmir (10 in 2002, 12 in 2008, 10 in 2014). But everything changed in 2016 when a mass rebellion against Indian rule began in the wake of Hizb commander Burhan Wani’s killing by government forces. Hundreds and thousands hit streets to mourn the death of Wani. Government forces used all their might and power to crush the rebellion. Over 100 persons, mostly young school and college going students fell to the bullets of government forces. More than 15,000 other persons were injured in pellet firing by government forces. Hundreds of them were hit in eyes losing eyes sight, some of them permanently. Hundreds others were brutalized by use of other muscular means. Mahbooba Mufti not only watched the brutality as a distant gawk but also justified the use of force. She defended the killing of the people in streets and said when people attack some formation of security forces, it would evoke reaction. On one occasions, she crossed all borders while justifying these killings saying “what for they (those killed in police firing) gone there. (Who kiya doodh aur toffee lene gaye thay, she said. The withdrawal of support by the BJP that led to the fall of Mahbooba Mufti government struck further blow to her party. That led to dozens of senior leaders and former minister of the PDP to leave the party and join other parties or form their own one. Mahbooba was virtually living in political seclusion. It was, however, her arch rival Omar Abdullah who gave her a new life and brought her out again in the political limelight. As a move to block central government’s move to dissolve assembly in November, Omar Abdullah declared support for formation of the government in the state by joining hands with PDP. Though the move did not materialize as central government played spoilsport but it definitely provided Mahbooba Mufti a corridor to come of the isolation and take the central stage. Though people have not forgotten yet the reign of terror they faced in her regime but she has since been trying to refresh her relationship with voters in south Kashmir. By taking the challenge of facing the election in person shows her renewed confidence and conviction
The muscular policy
Central government’s power-driven Kashmir policy is touching new zenith. After Jamaat-e-Islami, the government banned Yasin Malik-led Jammu Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF) under ‘anti terror’ law on Friday. The outfit has been declared outlaw for promotion of secessionist activities in Jammu and Kashmir. The JKLF chief Yasin Malik has been arrested and lodged in Jammu’s Kot Balwal jail. Yasin Malik is also likely to face penalty by the Enforcement Directorate (ED) and confiscation of foreign exchange recovered from him. The adjudication proceedings against Malik have already begun. The ED, on Friday, imposed a fine of Rs 14.4 lakh on Hurriyat (G) chairman Syed Ali Shah Geelani for “illegally possessing foreign exchange of around $10,000”. A Delhi court, last week, allowed ED to quiz Geelani’s son-in-law Altaf Shah and others in connection with an alleged funding case. Shah has been in Delhi’s Tihar jail for the past more than a year on charges of being involved in hawala funding. Delhi has gheraoed Mirwaiz Umar Farooq as well. He has been summoned by National Investigating Agency (NIA) to appear at its Delhi office in connection with investigations regarding alleged hawala funding in Kashmir. Mirwaiz, however, has refused to attend the Agency’s Delhi office for security reasons, and instead he sought the case to be shifted to Srinagar and offered his full cooperation. Earlier, the government withdrew security of all the Hurriyat leaders including Mirwaiz as a measure to tighten screws around separatist camp. The other known face of the separatist camp Shabir Shah has been in jail for over a year on the allegations of hawala funding. Masarat Alam Bhat, a key leader of Geelani-led Hurriyat Conference has been in jail since 2010. There is a grapevine in political and media circles that the central government might come with some more strict measures against separatist leaders. Banning the Tehreek-e-Hurriyat and Jamiat-e-Ahl Hadees is seen as next step New Delhi might go in for.
But would it resolve the problem is a question that needs to be thought over? This is not for the first time that such harsh measures are taken by the government. In early 90s, when militancy first surfaced in Kashmir, almost all the political outfits on the separatist were reeling under ban. Thousands, not just hundreds, of political activists and common people were facing incarceration. This was coupled with a ferocious campaign by government forces against militants. Extrajudicial killings and random arrests were order of the day. Almost 10,000 have gone missing under the custody of the forces. Such measures are still in force, and at times in harsher way. The frequent and fierce use of pellets and bullets against civilians is a common practice. But this has never helped the government anyway nor would it help in future. The policy makers in Delhi need to rethink their Kashmir strategy. They are again and again using the formulas and prescriptions which have already failed, and are bound to fail again. One more reason that the policy makers in Delhi must take into account is the growing world concern over the happenings in Kashmir. India and Pakistan have just returned from the brink of a nuclear clash. International opinion is catching up with the fact that it was Kashmir that pushed the two countries towards the war. It continues to haunt the minds that allowing the issue to remain simmering is dangerous for the world peace. Bombs and tanks shall not bring peace. These will only bring destruction. Before the international community intervenes, New Delhi should take the initiative and shun its muscular approach in Kashmir. Instead of banning and jailing parties and peoples, policy of rapprochement and reconciliation should be given the chance. Government of India should open the channels of dialogue with Kashmir as also with Pakistan. That is the only way forward. Muscular approach has failed in the past it shall fail in future as well.
An exemplary leader
It is not the size of one’s chest that matters. It is the moral standing that defines one’s person. New Zealand Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern has shown that she could be small only in terms of heading a small country but she is above all in human and moral values. Her response to March 15 terror attack on two mosques in Christchurch that killed 50 Muslims has earned her appreciation from world over. She won the hearts world over for the love, compassion and support to the families of victims. The New Zealand Prime Minister was equally hateful for the attacker and refused to mention him by name saying she would not give him a name, and urged others too to do the same. She said that he should go in the history nameless. Brenton Tarrant, 28, a Narcissistic right-wing Australian terrorist motivated by his anti-Muslim ire carried out the carnage as the Muslims prayed in Christchurch mosques. He live-streamed the horrific massacre on his face book page. Tarrant, described by Australia’s Prime Minister Scott Morrison as an “extremist, right-wing, violent terrorist”, expressed admiration for other violent white nationalists and his intention to “create an atmosphere of fear” and to “incite violence” against Muslims.Led by Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern, the people New Zealand down under showed showed the world how a tragedy of such huge proportions should be handled, and how governments should react in times of crisis. Jacinda Ardern was praised as the face of New Zealand in the times of grief. Right after the rampage, Ms Ardern led from the front, meeting survivors and the heirs of victims, condoling with them and offering the full support of the state. A day after the attack, when Ardern visited a Christchurch refugee centre to meet community leaders, she earned the respect of the Muslim world when she arrived in a hijab, carrying off the headscarf with natural poise, placed her hand on her heart, a traditional Muslim gesture, and said a simple, “Asalaam alaykum,” (peace be with you) as the grieving crowd murmured, “Wa alaykum asalaam. At a subsequent visit to a local mosque, her composure and empathy while meeting survivors was lauded, as was her insistence that New Zealand would remain a refuge for people of all faiths from across the world.
From taking the responsibility of informing the people herself about the immediate developments on the day that the attack took place, to later talking to the media about the hurdles in the process of returning bodies to victims’ families for burial, Ardern made sure she was there, and not someone else, to inform the people about all the goings-on—reflecting just how deeply involved and up-to-date she is. When Ardern took office in 2017 as an unmarried 37-year-old, she was not only the country’s third female prime minister and the world’s youngest world leader, she was also about to give birth. She became just the second woman, only after Pakistan then Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto in history to give birth while an elected head of state and the first elected leader ever to take maternity leave. This is the first time that a government head has been so widely praised by so many people from all around the globe for showing the world what true leadership looks like; for giving the world a reason to be hopeful about being led by people whose intelligence and compassion outweigh a desire for petty political points, for setting an example for heads of government all around the world by avoiding caustic rhetoric against political opponents at home and abroad.
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