By Nasir Abbas Nayyar
Any virtuoso in the art of poetry will confirm that words in poetry tend to overrun their common, ordinary meanings into a surfeit of nuances and significance. And it is the nuances and significance that let poetry traverse the blurred paths of the future. So, this couplet taken from a poem by Altaf Hussain Hali, written in the late 19th century, seems to outdo its own obvious meaning, which may be summed up as: “Come and join hands in the noble cause of spreading knowledge in every nook and corner that will turn Hind into England.” Its nuances feature two themes: dissemination and transformation. The efficacy of these themes can be realised the moment we refer to the historical (colonial) context that inspired Hali and his contemporaries into forging modern-national-moral-realistic literature in Urdu in line with the canons of European literature.
Dissemination and transformation being major, underlying and primal themes of early colonial Urdu literature — which have not ceased to influence our thinking patterns regarding modernity even in the 21st century — cannot be fully grasped without considering some inevitable additives. Dissemination was unrestrictive and uncritical while transformation was total and redemptive and both were passionately desired by the people of the subcontinent.
The dissemination of European knowledge was a project conceived and initiated by the English colonial administrators, but its successful realisation hinged upon the voluntary yet zealous participation of the natives. This sort of dissemination was, in a sense, a play of need and desire. The need for new European knowledge was initially instilled by the introduction of a new, colonial administrative system that not only replaced the old system, but relegated it to redundancy. However, the desire for new knowledge could not have been aroused without having infused a lionising image of it into the hearts of the natives.
Once a lionised image of something is ensconced in your imagination, you are bound to become uncritical — at least about that image. Then, an insatiable desire to materialise that image into reality is aroused, which in turn sparks off the whole process of dissemination: making objects of desire available in an unrestrictive manner. As the process of dissemination kicks off, transformation is expected to begin. As European knowledge was disseminated into every nook and corner of India, it was anticipated that India would be transformed into England. The naiveté of the project of modernising and transforming was overlooked by the colonised people simply because of the selective-dreamy-unhistorical notion of the colonisers’ country.
Hali’s notion of England was conjectured out of the lionised image that the colonial masters of the 19th century were broadcasting through architecture, institutions, the press, speeches and textbooks and it was all about concealing coloniality under the garb of modernity. Hali, Sir Syed Ahmed Khan and other reformers of the 19th century seemed to believe that embracing modernity — modern European knowledge, canons of English literature etc — was a panacea for all kinds of afflictions their countrymen were suffering from. It was very rare to single out what brought about that affliction, iecoloniality.
This fact is evident from the criticism from Hali’s mentor, Sir Syed, when the idea of establishing an oriental university in Lahore in the 1870s was being discussed. Sir Syed said, “We must erase our own language(s) from our memory (he used the Arabic phrase ‘nasianmansian’ meaning ‘forgotten’) and English or French be levelled as our own languages.” Sir Syed was of the view that oriental knowledge and oriental languages had lost their place and significance in the colonial administrative system, so their teaching, as well as research and dissemination, at the university level would be an absolute waste of time, energy and resources. No doubt he was pragmatic and blunt in his approach, but he had succumbed to the lionised image of Europe and consequently acceded to the idea of a total and redemptive transformation.
Have a look at the following lines that overtly delineate Sir Syed’s desire for the total transformation of Hindustani society, and not simply of Muslim ashraaf [elites]:
[Both lower and upper strata of society require English as per their social needs. Even the greengrocer and cobbler must know English to the extent that they could say (to their customers): take (it) if you like and don’t take (it) if you don’t like.]
English was, and continues to be, a glorified symbol of shaaistagi[civilisation], prestige, power, pride, progress and a key to unlocking doors to opportunities. This glorified image of English has not only left very little room for the development of vernaculars, but has instilled a sense of shame and inferiority among speakers of indigenous languages — a clear symptom of coloniality.
Dissemination leads to transformation. And transformation appears to be the raison d’etre of colonial modernity, not modernity. The relationship between modernity and coloniality is most problematic; a concurrence of them results in all sort of complexities.
Argentinean theorist Walter D. Mignolo, in his celebrated essay ‘The Darker Side of Western Modernity’, proposes a thesis that “The rhetoric of modernity (salvation, newness, progress, development) went hand in hand with the logic of coloniality.” Summing up his thesis, he puts that modernity and coloniality are two sides of the same coin. He has not drawn on the thin distinction between modernity and how it was practiced in colonised societies at the hands of both the colonisers and the colonised people. It is true that the notion of modernity introduced and disseminated in India and other colonial countries of the world proved to be, in most cases, a tool to ruthlessly exploit the economic and cultural resources of the colonies. In the name of salvation, progress and development, all kinds of violence — ranging from the killing of people, languages and cultures of the colonies to epistemological — was done in overt and subtle ways alike.
This notion of modernity can be termed ‘colonial modernity’, which is not only distinct from the modernity being practiced by colonisers in their own countries, but also can be differentiated from a philosophical idea that is ahistorical in nature and whose thrust is on employing individual reason to know the mundane and beyond-mundane truths.
This philosophical idea of modernity was institutionalised by the West and its specific versions helped the colonisation of Asia, Africa and Latin America. In modernity, human reason courageously — and self-sufficiently — attempts to solve all kinds of problems of life and universe. But colonial modernity assigned human reason the task to mimic a lionised image of Europe on the one hand and, on the other, to think in terms of binaries: East-West, religious-secular, modern-traditionalist, deen-dunia [spiritual-worldly] and so on. Nationalism based on the exclusivity of religion, language or race was, and is, an artefact of ‘colonial modernity’.
Much before colonial and Western modernity, the 12th century Muslim philosopher Ibn Tufail, in his philosophical story Hai bin Yaqzan [Alive, Son of Awake] put forward the idea that an individual could solve the riddle of life by employing his reason alone. The 10th century Syrian poet Abul al-Ala al-Maari, writer of Luzumiyat says:
[But some hope a divine leader with prophetic voice
Will rise amid the gazing silent ranks.
An idle thought! There’s none to lead but reason,
To point the morning and the evening ways.]
We are still imprisoned in the dark room of colonial modernity; on one side we keep thinking in the same terms of progress, development and emancipation that were disseminated in the colonial era and, on the other, we reject reason, terming it a leftover of Western-colonial construct. This ambivalent attitude toward modernity is a hallmark of our social, literary and discursive life.
Not in the Mahatma’s name
The recent uproar over the glorification of Mahatma Gandhi’s assassin, NathuramGodse, by the BharatiyaJanata Party’s Bhopal candidate Pragya Singh Thakur has forced her party to tick her off. It should be a solace for us that there is at least one non-negotiable in Indian politics, that the political cost of the celebration of the murder of the Mahatma is formidably high! But now we would be told to let the matter rest as she has been chided even by her mentors.
Let us look at the implication of this approach, that Ms. Thakur, sans this statement, should be acceptable to us as a potential representative in Parliament. She continues to be the ‘symbol of Hinduism’, as she claimed Prime Minister NarendraModi had said of her. Our satisfaction over the condemnation of Ms. Thakur makes us forget that she is being audaciously presented as the most fitting answer to secular politics, which holds that a person accused of attacks on Muslims cannot be a people’s representative in India.
The idea that a Hindu can never indulge in a terror act is, in fact, another way of saying that terror acts are always committed by non-Hindus. Or, by Pakistan, which for BJP leaders is a proxy for Muslims. Union Home Minister Rajnath Singh, while talking about the Samjhauta Express blast case acquittals, claimed that it was unimaginable to accept that Hindus could be involved in such acts, and that he believed that in all such crimes there was the hand of Pakistan. A crime has been committed, and since the Hindu suspects cannot (being Hindus) do it, it can only be Muslims even if they are not caught — this is the underlying assumption.
It is this theory which is being thrown at us by the BJP by presenting Ms. Thakur as its choice for the electorate of Bhopal. It has another sinister aspect. She was selected knowing well that she could not be a choice for Muslims. Her selection is therefore a message to Muslims that by not voting for her, they disregard the sentiments of Hindus, thus showing intolerance towards the majority.
By supporting her, the ‘symbol of Hinduism’, they have a chance to endear themselves to the Hindus. If they don’t, they would always be a suspect.
This argument is not new. Many pundits, while accepting that Mr.Modi was a divisive figure, urged Indians to choose him as he was the best bet for the economic development of India. So, can Muslims be so sectarian as to think only about themselves while the greater national interest is at stake?
The swift and determined move by the BJP to reject her statement on Godse is a clever ploy to make this issue irrelevant while judging her. It is as if we are asked to judge Godse, setting aside the act of murder of Gandhi by him. There are ‘respectable’ people who feel that Godse spoilt his case by murdering the Mahatma. They regret this folly as they believe that there was strong merit in his ideological stance. According to them, he rightly opposed the Muslim appeasement of Gandhi, his anger at the dangerous friendliness of Gandhi towards Pakistan is correct, and his impatience with the unwise and impractical pacifism of Gandhi is to be understood if we want to make India strong.
We are asked to understand that there was a reason Godse was forced to kill Gandhi. We are asked to not treat him as a simple criminal. He was driven by high ideas. To make him a man of ideas, he is constantly humanised. We have seen over the years people talking about his childhood, his education, his editorship. Gandhi must have done something really horrible to provoke a thoughtful human being to turn into an assassin. If anything, they imply, he was a just assassin!
So, we are asked to move away from the trivia, that is the act of the murder, to the substantive, the issues raised by Nathuram in his ‘brave defence’ in the court, which had moved people to tears even then.
The RashtriyaSwayamsevakSangh (RSS), unlike the Islamic State and the Maoists, understands it well that an individual and identifiable act of violence makes it abhorrent and repulsive for the masses, whereas anonymous acts of violence are always more palatable. It was therefore important for Savarkar to distance himself from his disciple, Godse, to remain respectable. For the RSS it was necessary to disown Godse to be able to keep working on the majoritarian ideas he shared with or had learnt from Savarkar and the RSS. No known RSS hand soils his hands with blood; yet it is the politics of the RSS, not at all different from Godse’s, which makes blood flow.
Gandhi had said again and again that it would be better for him to die if India were to become inhospitable to Muslims. He was talking to those who were objecting to the recitation from the Koran at his prayer meetings. Death he could accept but not the narrowing of his heart! Neither bowing to threats or force! In the same invocation, he said, if you ask me to recite the Gita at gun point, I would refuse to obey you.
Gandhi told his audience, your heart is also large. Don’t constrict it. It is this challenge which needs to be accepted. It requires immense bravery of intelligence and humanity to be able to hear Gandhi. This intelligence would tell us that the distancing from the murder of the Mahatma by the co-travellers of Godse is in fact a strategy to enlarge the space for majoritarian ideas and draw more and more Hindus towards them, thus making Gandhi irrelevant while keeping his facade decorated.
Why I want Pragya Thakur to win
By Saba Naqvi
Regardless of whether NarendraModi remains Prime Minister or not I want terror accused Pragya Thakur to win from Bhopal. The esteemed leadership of India’s pre-eminent political party chose a terror accused as a candidate and they must endure her tenure as MP.
Pragya may be a poisonous vendor of hate and violence but she is not a hypocrite. Ever since she spoke her mind on describing NathuramGodse, the individual who shot MK Gandhi to death, as a patriot, the BJP national leadership has claimed to be disturbed. The Prime Minister spoke up after her statement, saying, he would never forgive her for what she had said and the party stated that it had initiated disciplinary action against her.
But by the time the party took this position, many members of the BJP had come up with twisted arguments somehow justifying Pragya’s validation of the assassin of a figure many revere as a Mahatma or Great Soul. Party members exposed their own problematic ideological heritage that included non-participation in the freedom movement led by Gandhi. Some of them could not help but reveal their own natural impulse to drop the veneer of falsehood and come clean on how they do indeed believe that Godse was a patriot despite having killed Gandhi.
The Godse remark in just two days exposed the ideological underbelly of the ruling party that does indeed have members who believe that Gandhi was a villain who loved Muslims and Pakistan. That’s why Godse, by his own account in a famous trial, shot him. A must-read for those who wish to engage with this debate is the book titled “The Men Who Killed Gandhi” by ManoharMalgonkar.
Seventy-one years after that crime on January 30, 1948, we have come to the point where a candidate contesting in an election for Parliament embraces the Godse world view. What’s more, a member of Modi’s council of ministers, AnantkumarHegde, endorsed her position. The MP from Karnataka had earlier kicked up a storm when he had said that “we are here to change the Constitution”. Yes, the same Constitution he took an oath to protect.
Hegde’s also received a show-cause notice to explain his position and on May 17 BJP president Amit Shah said the party’s disciplinary committee would submit a report on the matter in 10 days, after the election verdict, that is. There was more: the BJP media cell chief in Madhya Pradesh, the state from where Pragya is contesting, was brazen enough to say that Gandhi was the father of the nation of Pakistan. The BJP suspended him.
So how do we read the ideological contortions ever since Pragya uttered the “Godse is a patriot” words? One could say that the BJP is trying to occupy the space of both extreme and moderate in a national ideological pendulum that has shifted right-wards. It’s not a bad ploy—the ideological family plays to the more core beliefs, that are to be revealed step by step, and just in case some voters find them unpalatable, there are the “reasonable” elements as well.
And, voila! Modi becomes a moderate who is being stern with the fringe! That is a useful projection at a time when there is the possibility of needing some allies post-23 May. The BJP has made this ideological journey before, of being all things to all men. Earlier, former Prime Minister AtalBihari Vajpayee was offered up as the moderate to LK Advani, the architect of the Ram temple movement, who brought the BJP to national prominence. Today Modi today is the moderate who is speaking up against the hardliners, who are called “fringe” by those who believe it’s all part of a great national purpose.
It’s not. The “fringe” has been mainstream for some years now. Much before Pragya was presented to the nation as a candidate for parliament, the BJP leadership chose an unabashed Muslim-hating monk of a religious order to be the chief minister of India’s most populous state. All these debates about ‘moderate’ and ‘hardliner’ are a farce designed to make the BJP constituency feel better about themselves. It’s part of the good cop/ bad cop tactic.
To conclude, therefore, I want a terror accused to win, just so that we can, as a nation, get a reality check on where we have landed up. And just in case someone wants to ask me about whether I am afraid, here is my reply: I am so certain about the courage of my convictions, that there is no fear, although I do feel some shame for those who have tied themselves into knots over something about which there should have been no ambiguity. Bring on Pragya and let’s see what happens next.
The ‘unpeople’ of India
By Abdul Khaliq
Muslims now have to live with the bleak truth that the most powerful political party and its ideological parent, with tentacles spread across the country, are pathologically hostile to Muslims.
I fear for our future as a secular, multicultural country that once celebrated a richness of culture and tradition. Till not long ago we affirmed our common humanity even as we celebrated our differences. Our nation represented diversity, kindness, compassion and a revulsion of extremist views. But, over time, our collective souls have been deadened by violence, deepening communal and caste divides and the most perverse thinking. The cosmopolitan spirit has been throttled by hyper nationalism, populism and a deep distrust of the liberal values of tolerance and inclusion. A creeping majoritarianism is spreading across the land.
In this overheated, protracted election season, Muslims are up against it, caught between a rock and a hard place. Theirs is an Orwellian world where they are the “unpeople”— a term coined by George Orwell in his scary masterpiece 1984, to define those whose names and existence had been erased because they had incurred “Big Brother’s” ire. Muslims now have to live with the bleak truth that the most powerful political party and its ideological parent, with tentacles spread across the country, are pathologically hostile to Muslims. What makes their plight infinitely worse, is the fact that even the major allegedly secular party has consigned Muslims to social invisibility. Can one trust a party that is afraid to even allude to the Muslims’ problems, let alone address them?
When the PM evoked the 1984 mass slaughter of Sikhs and quoted Rajiv Gandhi’s infamous justification about the inevitable effect of the falling of a big tree, why did the Congress president not hit back by recalling the 2002 Gujarat riots and Modi’s Newtonian observation justifying the killing of hundreds of Muslims as a reaction to an action? He refrained, not for any ethical reason, but simply for fear of being seen as empathetic to Muslims and their problems and of equating the two tragedies. Caught between the flagrant hostility of the right-wing and the fraudulent concern of the secular front, Muslims are India’s outcasts.
In today’s India, where all issues across the political spectrum are seen through the lens of identity politics, Muslims are vilified for their custom, dress and tradition. They are physically attacked for the food they eat, discriminated against in employment, housing, and even civic amenities, and, they are routinely victimised by law-enforcement authorities simply for being Muslim. Social media is awash with the most hateful, stereotypical portrayal of Muslims as terrorist sympathisers, baby producing factories and worse. Although India has been the home of Islam and its adherents for much more than a millennium, Muslims today are constantly pilloried about their loyalty to the nation.
All assessments about Muslims are universalised, in black and white and deeply problematic. In a conversation with two CRPF sub-inspectors who have recently returned from Kashmir (I did not reveal that I was Muslim), I was told that “these Muslims are a nuisance as even their women throw stones at us.” Please note that the stone-throwing by the disgruntled Kashmiris is perceived as a common trait of Muslims — all 190 million of them. Their other complaints were that Muslims support Pakistan and insist on eating only halal meat. When I asked how the civil unrest in Kashmir could be resolved, I got an answer that stunned me: “Make sure that the police force in Kashmir is recruited only from the Shia community and they will teach these Sunnis a lesson!” How well have the British taught us the art of “divide and rule” and of polarising communities! The conversation filled me with anguish at the gratuitous distrust and hatred for Muslims. The animosity runs deep and is expressed by ordinary citizens in a matter-of-fact tone that is unnerving.
I recall clearly the sense of cautious optimism among Muslims when NarendraModi assumed power in 2014. His swearing-in was a strikingly symbolic moment, epitomised by the presence of the Pakistani PM that signalled hope of rapprochement with Pakistan (Indian Muslims know through experience that their well-being is linked to this crucial relationship). The PM represented a more decisive polity that promised an equitable social order expressed most eloquently in the Socratic slogan, “Sabkasaathsabkavikas”. This slogan encapsulated this nation’s foremost mission of fostering social solidarity based on the principle that every human being matters. Minorities felt reassured by the PM’s emphatic assertion in 2015 that “my government will not allow any religious group, belonging to the majority or minority, to incite hatred against others, overtly or covertly.” He repeatedly made appeals to preserve our core values of diversity, tolerance and plurality, calling on Hindus and Muslims to work together to fight poverty instead of fighting one another. His stunning embrace of Nawaz Sharif on Christmas Day 2015 filled everyone with hope.
On the ground, however, India began witnessing a deepening cultural mutation as vigilante squads terrorised and lynched Muslims in the name of protecting the cow, launched “gharwapsi” campaigns that have all but ended the freedom to choose one’s faith and used “love jihad” to stifle any kind of solidarity between the two communities. Minorities began to believe that the present dispensation’s aim is to convert India into the Hindu Rashtra of Hindutva where Muslims and Christians would live as second-class citizens. The current election rhetoric has only exacerbated those fears. The BJP LokSabha candidate for Barabanki boasted that “NarendraModi has made attempts to break the morale of Muslims. Vote for Modi if you want to destroy the breed of Muslims.”
We are on the cusp of having a new government at the Centre. Opinion polls and the most reliable — the bookies — predict victory for the NDA, but with a reduced majority. Ironically, the return of Modi as PM is the best hope for peace within the country and the neighbourhood. Imran Khan was right when he said that only Modi could help resolve Kashmir. He is the only leader with the power to rein in the lunatics whose purpose in life is to polarise communities and engage in eternal war with Pakistan. In any case, the new government’s first task would be to combat the overpowering atmosphere of distrust and hate bedevilling society which constitutes the foremost threat to the nation, more so than terrorism. The creation of a truly secular society free of prejudice and discrimination must be the prime mission.