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The era of Yousufi

The Kashmir Monitor





By Asif Farrukhi

There was an immediate sense of colossal loss as the news of Mushtaq Ahmed Yousufi passing away hit us all like a shock wave. Much admired in his life, he was mourned far and wide, not only in literary circles but by innumerable readers as well. Such an outpouring of grief had not been seen for a long time. More than an individual, Yousufi’s death seemed to be replete with cultural loss and the decline of a tradition of formal elegance and classical style which he had come to symbolise and which is impossible to retrieve. A newspaper comment placed him next to Mirza Asadullah Khan Ghalib as a writer and while such comparisons are unnecessary, it does indicate the position of pre-eminence Yousufi had come to occupy as a leading man of letters.
For a writer so hugely admired, Yousufi maintained a relatively small output. His literary career began with the light-hearted ChiraghTalay, humorous essays par excellence, and he continued with KhakumBadahan in the same manner. Moving away from situational comedy, his style was dependent on ready wit, a neat turn of phrase and literary allusions gently tweaked to give a parodic flair. His ready wit turned inwards with ZarGuzasht, an autobiographical account of his early banking days with humour barely covering serious concerns. A medley of unforgettable characters surrounded the narrator who was not spared, as Yousufi was always ready to poke fun at himself before others.
His next book took the literary world with even more surprise.
Aab-i-Gum is really a novel in the best sense of the term — it was not for nothing that he was an admirer of James Joyce and Anthony Burgess. I would go as far as to term it one of the most serious Partition fictions, in a class by itself. With gentle affection he brings up his cast of characters, but at the same time he could be merciless in laying bare their human foibles.
Recognised as a humourist par excellence, to me he was really a stylist with serious concerns, humour being one of the tools in his repertoire. With his first works, he had established his reputation as a humourist and developed a distinguished style which became his hallmark, even though his next books were inclined towards a different direction. I wonder if his reputation held him back? In retrospect, I would regard him as a humourist with a tragic core.
Yousufi was known for being a perfectionist and would spend years polishing each and every phrase meticulously, reluctant to rush into print. There were long gaps between each of the books and he had also mastered the art of evading questions about what he was writing. He would say that he had some material, but it was being kept in the paal — a term used for getting unripe mangoes ready for market.
The last book he published close towards the very end, Shaam-i-Sher-i-Yaaran, was a collection of speeches and articles written for literary occasions. It is quintessential Yousufi, but the book did not go down well with some of his diehard admirers. Unlike the essays of his earlier period, these pieces were meant to be heard rather than provide reading pleasure, and trying to put them together as a book meant they had to shift from one medium to the other, a transition that did not go equally well in all instances.
Many years ago, I had arranged a literary function at the Arts Council to mark the publication of YahanKuchhPhoolRakhay Hain, a collection of Shahida Hassan’s poetry. Contrary to all expectations, Yousufi not only agreed to preside over the function, but confirmed that he would speak about the book. I recall that it was a well-attended function, but it was Yousufi and nothing else. He read out a brilliant piece beginning with a witty put-down of the newly introduced custom of taajposhi [crowning] of poets, remarking in his wry style that if news of such a programme were to spread, then people would think that poets in Karachi get treated the way brides do in Lahore. I remember the audience was in fits of laughter and I could not stop laughing when I read this very article later in book form. Not all articles retain this sense of the original, however, and in some places the book tends to become tiring and repetitive, indicating that there can be too much of even the best.
There are at least two more ‘lost’ or abandoned book-length manuscripts, which I distinctly remember him mentioning to me. He once said that he takes notes of his travels, intending to make a book out of them. He kept working at it, but then one day calmly mentioned that the manuscript was misplaced. In an exclusive conversation about his writing, he mentioned to me that his latest venture was the story of a young boy from the fishing villages on Karachi’s coastline, but he realised that he had covered more than 300-odd pages while the main character had covered only a few stages of his life. I argued that he had a precedence in TristramShandy in which the main character is born a few chapters later. Yousufi did not want to engage in any such debate and later informed me that he had given up on the idea of completing this book. I hope that these and other writings emerge from his papers, which deserve to be preserved and archived in a befitting manner, although this is not customary with our writers. It would be a great tragedy if his papers and memorabilia are allowed to be lost.
Although his style was language-based and dependent on wordplay, Matt Reeck and Aftab Ahmad carried out the implausible, even audacious, act of translating Aab-i-Gum as Mirages of the Mind with a detailed critical introduction. While the translators have laboured hard to preserve the style of the original, the English version highlights the storyline somewhat lost in the embellishments which so marked the Urdu text.
As part of a series of conversations with writers for an English news monthly, Yousufi once agreed to talk to me on formal terms. More than a challenge, this was a great honour for me as Yousufi was known to keep interviewers and journalists at arm’s length. This was September 1989 and the conversation turned out to be memorable because whatever he said was a result of careful consideration. What I did not know then, of course, was that Yousufi’s two distinguished books were yet to come.
Writing was not his full-time job and he had a parallel professional career as a banker. It reminds me of Wallace Stevens who had a day job as an executive in an insurance company while being one of the greatest American poets of the day. Associated with the major banks of the country, Yousufi remained on influential and leading posts and was known for always abiding by the book. There is a story of how a military dictator asked for some words of praise to be bestowed on him, to which Yousufi promptly responded by pulling out a ready-made resignation from his pocket. He spent the next decade working as a banker in London, settling down in Karachi after his retirement. My father, who was privileged to know him on a personal level, called him “the upright man of Urdu literature” when he gave the keynote at Jashn-i-Yousufi — a celebration of Yousufi’s life and works — in 2009.
Yousufi remained very much a private person. He was not a recluse, but he kept much to himself. He enjoyed the company of selected friends, of both sexes, but on his own terms. “I have considered myself a gosha-nasheen [someone who sits in a corner], or even more a purdah-nasheen [someone who takes the veil],” he once remarked to me, enjoying the effect of his own remark.
In spite of my admiration I sometimes wonder: what next? How much of this legacy will be taken up by younger people? Comments have flooded social media as well as quotes with the iconic Yousufi image. The height of our insularity is that, like with Jaun Elia and Ahmed Faraz, some people are simply copying and pasting stale old jokes with Yousufi’s name.
Among my favourite Yousufi pieces is his early article on the cultural value of charpoys and I gleefully added this to the material for an introductory course I was teaching for undergraduates. I realised that younger people do not, and cannot, appreciate Yousufi the way my generation admired him. The language — especially the literary allusions — is lost on them and they feel uncomfortable with the element of misogyny in his humour.
He would have been amused by some of the comments students make about his work. When selections from his works were ‘performed’ in the manner of a daastaan by a group of NAPA graduates, the response was enthusiastic. Will Yousufi become part of a daastaan in the near future? At the time I interviewed him, he said that it felt odd, “like wearing surgical gloves to eat pulao, since more than half of the taste lies in eating it with your hands.” I wonder what he would have made out of all this. He would have half-smiled and said something cutting, but wise, with his characteristic aplomb. Long live Yousufi!


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Indian elections, South Asian concerns

The Kashmir Monitor



By Kanak Mani Dixit

The staggering scale of the election that is under way in India with just under a billion voters is hard for the mind to grapple with, even in this densely populated neighbourhood that includes Bangladesh and Pakistan. The level of worry is also at a pitch, for India should be the bulwark against weakening democracy in a world of Bolsonaro (Brazil), Duterte (the Philippines), Erdogan (Turkey), Putin (Russia) and Trump (the U.S.) not to mention the People’s Republic of China.

Modern India, created by M.K. Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru and their cohort, should be raising the standard for social justice and grass-roots democracy, and against destructive right-wing populism. This has not quite been Prime Minister NarendraModi’s record, and hence the concern that another five years would redefine the very idea of India.


Already, the term ‘world’s largest democracy’ is achieving banality as India gains majoritarian momentum. Centralised control of society would never be possible in such a vast and variegated society of sub-nationalities, we were told, but look at what is happening.

The high principle and probity of India’s political class, bureaucracy, academia and civil society are now exceptions rather than the rule. India’s Ambassadors are no longer the self-confident professionals we knew for decades, they act today like timid note-takers. Higher education is directed by those who insist that the achievements of Vedic era science included flying machines and organ transplants. Meanwhile, the adventurism that marked economic management, including immiseration through demonetisation, has been ‘managed’ through loyal social and corporate media.

Intellectual toadyism and crony capitalism have overtaken New Delhi on a subcontinental scale, but sooner than later this drift towards regimented society and whispered dissent must be reversed. Too much is at stake for too many citizens — India must revert to the true, messy and contested democracy we have known and appreciated.

Parliamentary democracy is the governance procedure adopted by each and every country of South Asia, and the Indian practice has always been held up as the example.

The precedents set by India’s courts are studied elsewhere, the professionalism of the civil service is regarded as the benchmark, and everyone else seeks the aspirational welfare state set in motion in India in the middle of the 20th century. This is why we watch worried as Indian democracy weakens in step with its economy, as inter-community relationships within India descend to one-sided animus, and as New Delhi’s global clout decreases in inverse proportion to Beijing’s.

To cover weaknesses in governance and promises undelivered, Mr.Modi as the solo electoral face of the BharatiyaJanata Party (BJP) has whipped up a tornado of militarised nationalism that projects Pakistan as the exclusive enemy. No one dares remind the Indian voters that Pakistan is the far weaker power; its people are battling fanatical demons more than are Indian citizens; Pakistan is a large potential market for India’s goods and services; and the future of Kashmir must be based on Article 370 of the Indian Constitution.

Meanwhile, Lahore intellectuals watch with apprehension as India copies the excesses of Pakistan’s theocratic state. Dhaka observers are numbed into silence with New Delhi’s vigorous backing of Prime Minister Sheikh HasinaWajed as she constructs an intolerant one-party regime. Colombo rides a geopolitical see-saw as New Delhi shadow-boxes Beijing. And Kathmandu wonders whether New Delhi has it in itself to concede that the amplified Chinese involvement in Nepal is the result of the Great Blockade of 2015-16.

India has been reduced to a giant nervously finger-counting friends made or lost to China. The media triumphalism that greets even modest shifts in India’s favour — be it in Male or Thimphu — marks unnecessarily low self-esteem. New Delhi seems preoccupied with ‘managing’ South Asian countries when it should be commanding the global platforms on climate alteration, protection of pluralism and correcting imbalances in global wealth.

Few note the incongruity of a New Delhi loudly daring Islamabad while acting coy on Beijing, which one would have thought was the real adversary or competitor. Meanwhile India’s celebrated soft power wilts even as the Chinese work to wipe out their English deficit, and Beijing places Confucius Institutes in far corners. Chinese goods flood the Indian market, Chinese research and development gallops ahead of India’s, and Beijing convincingly moves to tackle environmental degradation.

India seems drowsy and lethargic in contrast. South Asia as a whole — much of it the historical ‘India’ — roots for Indian democracy even while welcoming Chinese investment, infrastructure loans and tourists. Also because it has the largest population in the Subcontinent, India is expected to lead South Asia on myriad issues including the death-dealing Indo-Gangetic smog, fertilizer and pesticide use, cross-border vectors, arsenic poisoning, regional commerce and economic rationalisation, social inclusion and the Human Development Index and so on. But leadership requires humility, to study, for example, how adjacent societies have successfully tackled great challenges — look at Bangladesh surging towards middle income country status.

Nepal has long been regarded by exasperated New Delhi policy-makers as the South Asian basket case sending out migrant labour to India. This much is true, but it also emerges that the Nepal economy is the seventh largest sender of remittance to India after the UAE, the U.S., Saudi Arabia, the U.K., Bangladesh and Canada. Unlike these others, Nepal’s remittances go to India’s poorest parts, in Bihar, Odisha, Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal.

We switch on India’s news channels and find an abysmal common denominator in terms of civility and rationality. The national intelligentsia seems intimidated, unable to challenge the rigid, dangerously populist narrative of the BJP/RashtriyaSwayamsevakSangh (RSS). We watch as the National Register of Citizens propels statelessness, as the refoulement of Rohingyarefugees points to a reckless disregard for fundamental humanitarian principles, and as majoritarianism weakens the pillar of representative democracy that is the protection of minorities.

India is indeed large and important, but the chest size of a country does not translate into equity, social justice or international standing. Because nearly 20% of humanity lives within its boundaries, when India falters, the pit of despair and the potential for violence open up wide and deep.

The South Asia that New Delhi’s policy and opinion-makers should consider is not the centralised Jambudvipa mega-state of the RSS imagination. Instead, the ideal South Asian regionalism is all about limiting the power of the national capitals, devolving power to federal units and strengthening local democracy.

Modi’s own idea of regionalism is one where he calls the shots. The start of his current term was marked by an attempt to dictate to the neighbours, after which the pendulum swung to the other extreme. The freeze put by India on the inter-governmental South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) is only a cynical means to keep Pakistan out of the club.

The sabotaging of SAARC can hardly be considered a victory, for that feather-light geopolitical stratagem fails to consider that regionalism is a potent means to bring economic growth and social justice to India’s own poverty-stricken ‘peripheral regions’ from Assam to Purvanchal to Rajasthan. For its own security and prosperity as well as that of the rest of us, India must re-connect with South Asia.

Sub continental regionalism is also important to achieve New Delhi’s ambitions on the world stage, including that coveted seat at the UN Security Council. India’s global comeback will start the day New Delhi think tanks begin questioning South and North Block rather than serving as purveyors of spin. On South Asian matters, they should pull out a copy of the Gujral Doctrine from the archives, to be dusted and re-examined.

We seek an India that is prosperous and advancing at double digit growth, not only because what this would mean for its 1.35 billion citizens, but to the other 500 million South Asians. For its own selfish interests, the rest of South Asia wants India to succeed in the world.

(Kanak Mani Dixit, a writer and journalist based in Kathmandu, is the founding editor of the Colombo-based magazine, ‘HimalSouthasian’. Source: The Hindu)

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Witnessing the political tamasha in Kashmir

The Kashmir Monitor



By Meer Abass

At the onset of election fever, political parties belonging to exploiting ruling class use all kinds of tricks to lure voters on their side and grab power. Politicians resort to anything under the sky to woo voters and counter their rival parties. It’s obvious that in this cut-throat scheme of promises, hardly any political party has a programme or policy that genuinely aims well-being of the people of the state.

Every party claims that their leader is the ‘lion’ of the political jungle as tamashaof the hectic assembly poll campaign in Jammu and Kashmir reaches its culmination.
Getting elected should be very easy. If for five years you work for your voters without fear or favour then getting elected should not cost a dime. So why getting elected costs so much and takes so much effort?


The answer lies in the party system and the political illiteracy that our state suffers from.

Our political illiteracy levels are near 95% or more. Even the educated among us are politically illiterate. They stopped getting any education after they clear the class 10 during which they had Civics as a subject (of course this does not include people who did their BA and MA in Political Science).

Our political party system ensures that no representative of the people is able to do anything for the people that elect him/her. He has to follow the diktat of the party. And the party is driven by lobbies that want to get laws and rules made that benefit them. Thus even if there is a lawmaker who wants to work for his constituents, he can’t. Thus at the end of the tenure, if his party has something to show (which they usually don’t have), he can expect to get elected again otherwise he has to depend on the bluff of the party and its ability to convince the people that it has done well for them. Or fake them with the bluster of a fake leader.

And if the representative has been doing good work then his constituents will not even want to see him or hear him during election time. They would have been in touch with him all through the five years and would know what he/she has done and delivered. Thus the cost of getting elected would be very negligible.

Now that is the kind of politics that we should all aspire and work for.

And for a politician that is connected to the people, his/her formal education would not matter as much as his/her understanding of the pain points of his voters and his/her ability to solve their problems.

Therefore, there are two things you can do, one is to get a political education and second is to choose a representative that does work for you and not blindly toe the party line. Best would be to have a representative that represents you and not a political party.

“Walayvasie, aslisherhayy, aaaway (come, my friend. The original lion has come),” sing Kashmiri women folk in traditional ‘rauf’ dance at political rallies.

“Naklishera vatu daira, aslisheraaagaya (it’s time for fake lions to pack bags as the original lion has arrived at the scene,” is a common slogan witnessed in the campaigns right now in the Kashmir valley.

While every party has its own share of slogans but it is the “Sher” which is the common thread in their campaigns in the politically charged atmosphere in the Valley. Kashmir wildlife does not include lions.

The name of ‘Sher-e-Kashmir’ has been prefixed with a prestigious medical institute in the Valley, an agriculture university, gallantry medals for police, employment scheme and the only cricket ground in the Valley.

PDP also invoked ‘sher’ besides its slogans like “SabzukAlam chum aathskyath, aasiydeetaarParvardighar (The green flag is in my hand and God will help me crossing all hurdles)” besides the ‘Sher’ slogan. The flag of PDP party is green.

National Conference has some more to offer their voters like “aapkimushkilkabaaetbarhul, sirfhalhalhal (the only way for a honourable solution to your problems is plough). Plough is the symbol of National Conference.

There are multiple dimensions to how Kashmiris interpret elections. Some call it political maturity and see it as a befitting strategy to avoid having a party in power that has no sensibilities about Kashmir. Those who vote believe that if Kashmiris don’t vote, then the elected representatives will go down the same way as the previous ones have. Many see it as political leverage in negotiating for issues such as an immediate and urgent repeal of draconian laws in force in Kashmir and the release of youth who have been booked under these laws. Some consider it important for a long-term political solution to the conflict, which they think is only possible through consistent dialogue and negotiation with New Delhi, Islamabad and Kashmir.

BJP, besides its “abkibaarModisarkar” slogans, has banners hanging at various traffic cross sections “aaobadle Jammu Kashmir kehaalat, aaochaleModikesaath (let’s change Jammu and Kashmir’s destiny, let’s walk with Modi).”

It is said that in Kashmir nothing is straight except poplar trees, and it reflects the general persona of the biotic of Kashmir. Do we actually qualify to be humans, well what’s happening on the ground and has happened in the past, are contesting this prerogative. So the question arises, who is a common Kashmiri? And what are the aspirations, responsibilities and expectations out of common Kashmiri?

(Author is an Assistant Professor, Department of English, Govt Degree College Handwara. Feedback at

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Running on fear in 2019

The Kashmir Monitor



By Barkha Dutt

NarendraModi, India’s powerful prime minister, is seeking a second term. But in 2019, he is sounding less like the man who campaigned in 2014 and much more like his previous avatar — the abrasive, vitriolic and inflammatory chief minister of Gujarat.

His first national election five years ago was built on aspiration. Then he used to proclaim that the country’s constitution was his only holy book; he promised “achhe din” (good days) and “vikas” (development).


This campaign, by contrast, has been built on fear and on the othering of his political opposition as anti-national, anti-Hindu and, in antithesis to Modi’s own projected machismo, wimpish.

There is little or no conversation about the performance of his government, the economy or jobs. A leaked report from the National Statistical Commission (which the government contested) placed unemployment numbers at a four-decade high; a certain amount of deflection and changing the subject is political compulsion.

But the Modi-led BharatiyaJanata Party campaign has descended from spin to brazen coarseness, fear-mongering and Islamophobia.

In the 2019 production, Modi has cast himself as the “chowkidar,” or watchman — the guardian at the gate who will defend the country against predators and terrorists. The decision to order an airstrike inside Pakistan as retaliation for the terrorist attack in Pulwama, Kashmir, that killed 40 paramilitary police officers has become a major element in his narrative.

Modi even delivered a speech with photographs of the men who were killed in the Kashmir strike forming the stage backdrop; he also asked young voters to dedicate their ballot to the military personnel who led the assault inside Pakistan. Yogi Adityanath, the saffron-robed monk chief minister of Uttar Pradesh, India’s most populous and politically important state, added insult to injury by describing the military as Modi’s “sena” — or Modi’s army, comments for which he has been censured by the Election Commission.

The BJP has defended this by arguing that because the prime minister took a great risk by sanctioning the Pakistan strike — in contrast to the Congress, which took no military action even after the Mumbai terrorist attack in 2008 — the party has every right to politically own the decision. But given the flamboyant nationalism the party claims as its defining characteristic, this debasement of India’s armed forces is, frankly, impossible to justify.

The young daughter of a soldier killed in the Pulwama terrorist attack called out the bluff. “My father did not die for NarendraModi or Rahul Gandhi. He died for India,” ApoorvaRawat, 20, told me. “Can’t you run a campaign without using our families to win votes?”

Using soldiers as political fodder is bad enough. But even worse is the Modi campaign’s message to India’s 172 million Muslims. In the past few years, Muslim cattle traders have been repeatedly targeted by right-wing mobs on fabricated charges of trading in beef. During this campaign, the men charged with the 2015 lynching of Mohammed Akhlaq, a Muslim ironsmith in Dadri, were given front-row seats at a BJP election rally.

A prominent government minister has warned Muslims to vote for her or face the consequences. And in one of the worst election speeches of the season, the prime minister taunted Rahul Gandhi, leader of the opposition Congress party, for running away from Hindu voters to a constituency in the south where “the majority is a minority.” His comments were about Gandhi’s decision to fight from two seats, Wayanad in the southern state of Kerala in addition to his long-standing parliamentary seat in the north. Attacking the Congress is fair but implicit in this particular attack was the suggestion that a parliamentary seat dominated by Muslims is something to be embarrassed of.

Every single day, the marginalization and humiliation of India’s Muslim citizens are being reinforced.

The final blow came from the BJP president, Amit Shah, Modi’s second in command and said to be the only person the prime minister trusts. Shah has vowed to create a national citizens’ registry that will “remove every single infiltrator from the country” unless they happen to be Hindu, Sikh or Buddhist. The official sanction of crude religious majoritarianism did not even bother to disguise its anti-Muslim bigotry. It was tweeted out by the party handle with the hashtag #NaMoForNewIndia — a model of “New India” eroding the very basis of old India: constitutionally protected pluralism.

So far, despite the virulence of the campaign he is steering, Modi seems to be comfortably ahead. There is no visible backlash to even his most divisive words. His persona as a spartan, non-corrupt bachelor, who is “not in politics for himself” — this I’ve heard repeatedly from voters — and his reputation as a decisive leader seem to offset the flaws voters now concede he has.

Admittedly, there is no euphoria of the kind that India witnessed in 2014. But nor is there any widespread anger. And when it comes down to it, voters often add “who else is there” to their criticism of Modi’s first term. It’s like the post-romance phase of a personal relationship — you’re no longer smitten, the sheen has worn off, but until a better option comes along, in your mind he or she is as good as it gets, with all of the flaws. You tell yourself that the relationship is better than being single.

For this, India’s opposition must take the blame. Crude and sexist language by leaders from within their own ranks — such as Azam Khan, the regional leader who commented on the underpants of his female adversary — have somewhat blunted the moral force of their attack on the BJP.

The opposition also remains fragmented and divided. It has been too slow to produce a counter-narrative, and this has only bolstered Modi’s chances. It suits Modi to make himself the central issue of this election and ask, Modi vs. who?

The answer to that would be Modi vs. math.

In the absence of any other national persona to take on the tough-as-nails, ruthless and charismatic Modi, the opposition’s best bet is to bury its differences and work on a series of local alliances. Modi wants a presidential-style election. The opposition can only counter that with regional coalitions of varied caste groups and communities.

For the moment, in one of India’s ugliest election campaigns, the advantage is with Modi.

Chances are that he will be prime minister again. But there has been absolutely nothing prime ministerial about his campaign.


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