By Ajaz Ashraf
The desire to play the role of elderly statesman surfaces in Bharatiya Janata Party leader and former Deputy Prime Minister LK Advani every time he feels slighted or thinks he has been denied his due. The most recent example of it is Advani’s blog, Nation First, Party Next, Self Last, which he wrote on 4 April. In it, Advani observed, “In our conception of Indian nationalism, we have never regarded those who disagree with us politically as ‘anti-national.'”
His blog was seen as a swipe against Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who has dubbed the Congress manifesto as anti-national, largely because of India’s grand old party promising to remove the Indian Penal Code provision on sedition and revisiting the Armed Forces Special Act. An elderly voice from inside the BJP pointing out that Modi had transgressed the line of political propriety would have seemed statesman-like.
Yet it is difficult to accept Advani’s persona of leader-statesman.
The traits that a person needs to become a leader were lucidly articulated by former American President Jimmy Carter to Harvard Business Review: “High moral and ethical standards are essential, and they don’t change… from one level of authority to another…” He underscored the need for the leader to have a vision: “The capacity to expand one’s mind and one’s heart as years go by, and to see the broader dimensions of the future.”
Advani’s tendency to deliver preachy lectures on political morality emerged with his political marginalisation. He sulked at the time the BJP announced Modi as the prime ministerial candidate for the 2014 Lok Sabha elections – and waited for his moment to strike. After Modi became prime minister and dwarfed senior BJP leaders, Advani utilised the 40th anniversary of the Emergency, in 2015, to say, “At the present point of time, the forces that can crush democracy…are stronger…”
When his former aide, Sudheendra Kulkarni, had his face smeared with ink, Advani spoke out, “In the last few days, there are these signs… where any person or any point of view is not acceptable, then you resort to violence or turn intolerant towards them… Democracy must ensure tolerance for a different point of view.” His statement had a special resonance because the targeting of cattle traders by gau rakshaks had already begun by then.
In 2019, Advani’s pronouncements do not fail Carter’s test of leader-statesman.
His prolonged political career, however, shows that his adherence to high moral and ethical standard lacks consistency. He speaks of democratic norms today, although intolerance and violence have been the leitmotif of his politics, partly because it is inherent to the Hindutva ideology that he so furiously propagated, so successfully.
This is tellingly brought out in The Public Intellectual in India, a book which historian Romila Thapar and five others have co-authored. One of them, Javed Naqvi, a journalist, narrates the story of the film, Swayamsiddh, which Doordarshan telecast when Advani was the Information and Broadcasting Minister under the Janata Party government.
Made in the 1950s, Swayamsiddh tells the story of a woman whose husband is deaf and dumb. The local priest tells the woman that her husband can be cured if she can organise the expulsion of Christian missionaries from the village. The woman instigates the villagers to attack and expel the missionaries – and the husband is miraculously healed.
Swayamsiddh’s prescription of using violence to combat religious conversion was neither democratic nor humane. It also proved to be chillingly prescient, evident from the many incidents in which Christian priests have been set upon by violent mobs over the last five years.
Long before he spearheaded the Ram Janmabhoomi movement, Advani sought to carve out a Hindu vote-bank and undermine India’s composite culture. In August 1980, he told the BBC, “It would not be wrong to call it [BJP] a Hindu party.” As his popularity soared, Advani increasingly turned strident. In Oct 1990, he cribbed about the “secular policy” putting “unreasonable restrictions on Hindu aspirations.” A month later, he declared, “Henceforth, only those who fight for Hindu interests would rule India.”
Advani can be said to have inspired the BJP’s growing army of rabble-rousers.
By 1990, Advani had coined, and popularised, the term pseudo-secularism, which accused its votaries of hurting Hindu interests. His profiling of secularists was the 20th century equivalent of BJP leaders today describing the opponents of draconian laws as members of “tukde tukde gang.”
Author AG Noorani provides a list of contentious demands that Advani raised in a piece that he wrote for the BJP Today, a party organ, in August 1997. Noorani sums up what Advani wrote, “They [Muslims] have a ‘special obligation’ to recall the tragedy of Partition, purge from their minds the two-nation theory, ‘bury vote-bank politics’, ‘understand’ that ‘Hindutva or cultural nationalism’ is not a communal concept, accept Ram, Krishna and others as symbols of ‘national culture’ and support the Ram temple [in Ayodhya] because Ram is a ‘symbol of India’s culture and civilization.'”
Advani’s article did not shock because he had already taken the nation to the brink twice – in 1990 and 1992. On 25 September, 1990, Advani stepped into a makeshift rath to undertake the 10,000-kilometre journey from Somnath to Ayodhya. It was a veritable crusade against the Central government, to frighten it into handing over the Babri Masjid to Hindus.
Then Bihar chief minister Lalu Prasad Yadav arrested him on 23 October.
By then, his rath yatra had turned social relations so fraught that even a minor incident would lead to bloodletting. The Online Encyclopedia of Mass Violence, which the Paris Institute of Political Studies, popularly known as SciencePo, maintains, lists the rash of riots that broke out all over the country. As you read through it, the 2002 riots of Gujarat pale away in comparison to the mayhem that was witnessed between September 1990 and March 1993.
In Hyderabad, the Encyclopedia said “official reports established that 134 people [were] killed… But the actual toll possibly amounts to 200 or 300 deaths.” In Aligarh, 92 people died in rioting in December, though the People’s Union for Civil Liberties claimed the toll was anywhere between 150 and 200. In Uttar Pradesh’s Khurja city, 72 died, in Kanpur another 20. The Encyclopedia says, “Anti-Muslim violence occurred in several places (Baroda, Ahmedabad, and Indore)… claiming dozens of lives.”
Advani crisscrossed the country, particularly Uttar Pradesh, delivering fiery speeches to gather support for the kar seva scheduled in Ayodhya on 6 December, 1992. On that day, the Babri Masjid was demolished, right before Advani, who has not been documented to having tried to save the structure. The demolition caught the country, yet again, in a spiral of communal violence.
There were two rounds of rioting in Bombay, which was scarred by serial bombings in March 1993. A thousand perished in the two riots and another 257 in the bombings. The Encyclopedia furnishes the horror list – 175 died in Madhya Pradesh, 60 in Rajasthan, 73 in Karnataka, 35 in Calcutta, 16 in Delhi, 75 in just one district (Nagaon) of Assam, 200 in Surat in Gujarat… the list goes on and on. Add these deaths to those who were killed in 1990, and you can’t but conclude that Advani is a fine one to speak of democracy and tolerance.
This bloody backdrop to Advani’s politics is why his potshots against Modi seem both ridiculous and hypocritical. His moral position on violence and intolerance has shifted in tandem with the rise and decline in his political graph.
Advani was a defender of Modi until 2008, the year in which he published his autobiography, My Country, My Life. Advani writes in it, “Communal violence broke out in Gujarat after the mass killing of kar sevaks in Godhra in February. The Gujarat government and, in particular, Chief Minister Narendra Modi attracted severe condemnation on account of the barbaric incident… Modi was being unfairly targeted. He was, in my opinion, more sinned against than sinning.”
Advani’s reference to Godhra pertains to the burning alive of 59 kar sevaks in the four coaches of the Sabaramati Express that were set on fire by Muslim mobs. In the retaliatory communal rioting that erupted in large parts of Gujarat, nearly 2000 Muslims died. For days, Hindu mobs ruled the streets as the state police looked on. It needs a special kind of imagination to describe Godhra as mass killing and a state pogrom as communal violence.
Advani does indeed fail Jimmy Carter’s test of leadership. Worse, statesman-like qualities are for Advani mere tools to invent new personas. For instance, to soften his hardline image, he declared Muhammad Ali Jinnah as secular. The instrumental use of what are considered statesman-like qualities shows that Advani can distinguish between right and wrong.
The only way he can convince people of his conviction is to apologise or atone for his politics. Until then, he is doomed to remain a one-day headline, neither winning the nation’s gratitude nor bothering Modi.
Growing crimes against women
By Aritry Das
For years India has grappled with the tag of being the ‘most dangerous country for women‘. Successive governments introduced measures, but there is increasing evidence that they don’t work – and are counter-productive. Indeed, in key Indian states, cases of sexual violence are on the rise.
The Constitution of India mandates that as a federal union of states, law and order issues remain primarily with state governments, unless there are overarching issues such as terrorism. This results in many states trying different methods to tackle growing violence against women, and creating a range of other problems rather than solutions.
States like Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra are the top states for registered rapes and sexual assaults, according to data from the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB), a federal body that collates statistics across states. These state governments are introducing new measures to increase women’s safety, but experts say their moves are not addressing root causes and systemic failures in India’s creaking criminal justice system.
As many as 38,947 rapes were reported in 2016, which was a rise of 12% from 2015. The number of cases reported under “sexual assault, harassment and molestation”, was 84,746 nationally. This is the second-most common crime against women after “domestic violence” cases.
When Uttar Pradesh chief minister Ajay Singh Bisht, (Yogi Adityanath) came to power in 2017, he decided to tackle the problem of women’s safety by creating the controversial ‘anti-Romeo squad’, with police roaming in civil dress to surveil public spaces to keep a check on street harassers (also known as “roadside Romeos”).
The squad was eventually disbanded. But following a spate of rapes of minors, Bisht directed the police to revive the squad with the new power to issue a warning ‘red card’ to ‘suspected harassers’. If a person is caught twice doing a similar act, he will face criminal proceedings.
The squad had earlier drawn flak after reports surfaced about them targeting and publicly shaming young men, giving moral advice to couples, while some were made to do sit-ups or had their heads shaved in public.
Vaibhav Krishna, a Senior Superintendent of Police in Noida, Uttar Pradesh, told Asia Times that police officers for 23 anti-Romeo squads were receiving gender sensitization and training programs to help them handle cases better.
The squad’s further empowerment has raised concerns. Reports of the squad “moral policing” couples and a subsequent increase in sexual violence cases indicated that the measure was not working, according to PoonamKaushik, a women’s rights activist and general secretary of PragatisheelMahilaSangathan.
In the neighboring state of Rajasthan, crimes against women under all sections of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) jumped by around 40% and rape cases rose by 30% in the first five months of this year compared to the same period last year. This happened despite the government setting up its own version of the anti-Romeo squad in 2018 with policewomen on two-wheelers.
“In Rajasthan, the government has not set up enough women’s help desks or One-Stop Crisis Centers [to assist rape victims]. Instead, they are trying to create these mechanisms [anti-Romeo squad] that are working against women being in public spaces due to moral policing,” said women’s rights activist KavitaSrivastava, who played a key role in the framing of the Vishakha guidelines to address sexual harassment at workplaces.
Now the Rajasthan government plans to set up special investigation units for crimes against women.
Delhi, meanwhile, had at least five rapes reported every day last year, according to NCRB data. So, the state government wants to boost safety by bringing more women into public spaces through free metro and bus rides, and installing 300,000 CCTV cameras. The Delhi Police, which reports to the Home Ministry, also launched a motorcycle-fleet of female cops to patrol the streets called Raftar.
But it is hard to spot this patrol squad on the road, according to Jaya Velankar, director of Jagori, a women’s organization that works to make city spaces safer. She also pointed out that unless roads are safe, free public transport won’t work.
Data from Delhi Police shows that sexual violence against women has only marginally decreased in recent times. In the first six months of 2019, reported cases of rape (IPC 376) were 973, down from 1,005 cases in the same period in 2018, while cases of assault on women with intent to outrage her modesty (IPC 354) decreased by 172 and insults to the modesty of women (IPC 509) decreased by 101.
Madhya Pradesh was the first state to propose the death penalty for men who rape girls under the age of 12, back in 2017. But violence against women has not gone down. Rape of minor girls in the state made headlines throughout June this year. Now the government has taken an initiative to introduce GPS tracking devices and emergency “panic buttons” in passenger vehicles such as buses and taxis.
Maharashtra assigned a 2.5-billion-rupee (US$36 million) budget for women’s safety initiatives. But sexual violence cases have risen despite this. But a survey by non-government groups Akshara and Safetipin found that 44% of areas in Mumbai, the state capital, were unsafe. It said women were only safe to walk on 22% of Mumbai’s streets.
This year the Maharashtra government finally proposed safety measures such as setting up SOS hotspots, tracking apps and installing more CCTV cameras.
However, feminists are not convinced that surveillance leads to greater safety for women or a loss of autonomy.
The rising number of crimes has put state lawmakers in a difficult position and they have criticized the police, who then discourage women from filing cases, Velankar claimed. But a higher number of reported cases also meant that more women were coming out to report violence and governments now had greater responsibility to assure they get justice, she said.
The implementation of a major national scheme to increase women’s safety is also not faring well. Recent reports revealed that between 2015 and 2018, states and union territories used less than 20% of the 8.5-billion-rupee ($124 million) budget allocated to them under the Nirbhaya Fund, which supports schemes for women’s safety. The fund was set up in the aftermath of a brutal gang-rape of a paramedical student in New Delhi in December 2012. Delhi, which has the highest rate of crime against women, fared the worst by using only 0.84% of the 350 million rupees it received.
“The Nirbhaya Fund is used as per proposals from different departments of the central and state governments. It will not be implemented if there is no will to do so,” a senior federal official of the Ministry of Women and Child Development told Asia Times on the condition of anonymity.
Experts say government initiatives and implementation of laws won’t create change if a culture of impunity has made the criminal justice system weak. Kaushik noted that some of the worst accusations against the police stem from recent rape cases of minors in Unnao and Kathua, where they are alleged to have bowed to pressure from people of influence to bury cases and evidence.
The Unnao rape victim, who claimed she was a minor at the time of the incident, tried to self-immolate last year due to the police not registering her complaint against a BJP lawmaker. In the Kathua case verdict, four police officers were convicted among the six accused in connection to rape and murder of an eight-year-old Kashmiri girl.
Another major hurdle that stops victims of sexual violence from getting justice is the low conviction rate in India, which is a mere 25.5% for rape and just under 22% for sexual assault and harassment, according to NCRB data.
Why justice matters in Jammu and Kashmir
By Harinder Baweja
Pakistan has for long sponsored terrorism in?Kashmir. But is it enough for India to point to “causality”, without introspecting on the fact that Kashmir has a long litany of documented human rights violations that have gone unpunished?
Think about it. Why does India get prickly each time allegations of human rights abuse in Jammu and Kashmir are placed at its door? Is it because there is some truth in the allegations? Does India have a lot to hide when it comes to violations committed by its men in uniform?
Dismissing an updated report by Office of UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), which faulted both India and Pakistan for not improving the situation in Kashmir, a ministry of external affairs (MEA) spokesperson said last week, “A situation created by years of cross-border terrorist attacks emanating from Pakistan has been analysed without any reference to its causality.”
Reflecting India’s indignation at being called out, the spokesperson said, the report “seems to be a contrived effort to create an artificial parity between the world’s largest and most vibrant democracy and a country that openly practices state-sponsored terrorism.”
Let us get this out of the way first.
Yes, it can be said, with no hesitation at all, that Pakistan has for long sponsored terrorism and will likely continue to practise its “bleed India through a thousand cuts” policy. It has suffered humiliation at the hands of the United Nations Security Council, which recently declared Jaish-e-Mohammad chief, MasoodAzhar, a global terrorist. But that tag too is unlikely to lead to the Pakistani deep State severing its ties with the jihadi outfits it sees as “assets.”
But is it enough for India to point to “causality”, without introspecting on the fact that Kashmir has a long litany of documented human rights violations that have gone unpunished? The Valley, in fact, has erupted in anger each time the men in uniform have crossed the line, but justice – that ever so important balm for a population as alienated as Kashmir’s – has mostly stayed elusive.
Let’s talk about the two occasions when the Valley boiled over with anger.
First, in 2010, Kashmiris took to the streets after the Indian Army, in a fake encounter, killed three civilians and passed them off as infiltrating terrorists. The gross violation was proved beyond a doubt. The unsuspecting civilians had been lured to Machil, a forward sector along the Line of Control, and killed in cold blood. Despite an Army court martial pronouncing five of its men guilty and sentencing them for life, the Armed Forces Tribunal suspended the sentence, arguing that civilians ought not to have been in a forward location, wearing “pathan suits”.
Just like in 2010, when over 100 protesting youth were shot dead, in 2016 too, the civilian toll crossed 100 after stone pelters – angry with the killing of militant commander Burhan Wani – took to the streets. Kashmir gave vent to deep anger and betrayal – not only because Wani was eliminated – but because the trust deficit between the Valley and Delhi had eroded over years, and reached break point.
The pellet gun became the symbol of oppression. It blinded, maimed and killed. The OHCHR report that India summarily dismissed, pointed to the basic tenets of injustice: “There is no information about any new investigation into excessive use of force leading to casualties. There is no information on the status of the five investigations launched into extrajudicial executions in 2016… No prosecutions have been reported.”
Kashmiris live with this reality every day. Why must brazen killings go unpunished? More importantly, why lash out at a report that questions excessive use of force?
The Kashmiri wound is deep and it has festered for too long. One major step forward would be to reduce the repressive security measures. Instead of negating charges of abuse and human rights violations, India ought to take steps towards setting up a truth and reconciliation commission. Why not encourage public hearings in which victims and their families are encouraged to speak?
Reaching out and admitting to violations will help rebuild trust. It is not enough to merely look at figures that point to a reduction in infiltration. The problem now centresaround home-grown militants. Violations only fuel the cycle of violence.
Admit, address and provide justice, for Kashmir is not a piece of real estate, to be ruled by force.
(Courtesy: Hindustan Times)
Remove stigma, report psychiatric ailments
By Dr Arif Maghribi Khan
“All patients are mad. All psychiatric medicines cause sleep.” Yes, this is the common perception in Kashmir. While the fact remains that according to easiest classifications of diseases, there are two types of psychiatric ailments – neurotic and psychotic. In neurotic diseases, patient does not lose contact with reality.
The patient can tell you his or her name, address, locality correctly while in psychotic ailments, patient’s contact with reality is lost and he or she lives in world of their own. Such patients often report seeing angels, strange figures, or hearing voices or sounds, which nobody else sitting with the patient sees or hears.
One example of psychotic ailments is schizophrenia, the prevalence of which is as low as 0.5 per 1000, while ailments like depression, anxiety, phobia form the bulk of psychiatric ailments. Even in this day and age, when all the world of knowledge and information is at our fingertips, we as a society have not been able to differentiate between the two.
So the stigma remains attached with psychiatric ailments thus delaying diagnosis and treatment. It is because of this stigma, people visit psychiatric settings with faces covered or masked. Young adults and children fear to disclose to their parents if they suffer from depression or anxiety disorders, which leads them to live an impaired life, wherein they struggle with issues like loss of interest in studies or even loss of employment as their inability to concentrate consistently tears apart their social and professional lives.
Parents are there to discipline and guide children but not to make them fear depression. Another problem hitting psychiatric healthcare in Kashmir is the myth that all medicines prescribed by psychiatrists cause sleep, while the fact is that psychiatric medicines work by increasing, changing or blocking activities of neurotransmitters.
Nerves carry information from the body to the brain and vice versa. The brain is composed of roughly 86 billion neurons. Chemical messengers called neurotransmitters carry messages between neurons to help the brain receive the information, decide what it means and execute a reaction. Neurotransmitters are responsible for emotional regulation, pain perception, motivation, concentration, memory energy, mood, sleep patterns, libido. Any imbalance can result in Depression, Nightmares, Mental Fatigue, Anxiety, Impaired cognition, attention, and arousal, Apathy, Lack of motivation, Poor attention, and Fatigue. Most of the time a qualified psychiatrist uses anti-depressants which do not cause sleep, in first few months of treatment depending upon the psychiatric ailment anxiolytics, also known as ‘tranquilizers’ are used.
So let’s stop assuming that all medicines cause sleep and we will be dependent on them for rest of our life.
The biggest challenge faced by doctors today and specially psychiatrists is that due to easy availability of internet most patients start Google searching medicine for 8 minutes prescribed by a doctor who studied medicine for 8 years, fact is that not all information surfers get on medicine by Google search is authenticated. Patients are well advised to seek such information from doctor rather than what is searched on internet or what a specialist from other field like education or engineering has to say!
We need to fight epidemic of psychiatric ailments including drug abuse on basis of science and not search on internet. It’s as simple as that, to aware common people doctors, counsellors from field of mental health need to work vigorously in community to clear myths and mist surrounding psychiatric ailments. We need to give patients of anxiety disorders or drug abuse respect and not scare them with unfounded information. Also next time we label some person as mad for being stressed kindly read this survey of again “Nearly 1.8 million adults (45% of the population) in the Kashmir show symptoms of significant mental distress according to a comprehensive mental health survey conducted by the medical humanitarian organisation Médecins Sans Frontières/Doctors Without Borders (MSF) between October and December 2015. The research was done in collaboration with the Department of Psychology, Kashmir University and the Institute of Mental Health and Neuroscience (IMHANS).
(Author can be mailed at [email protected])